China’s global ascent may be attributed to more than its military buildup, technological prowess, and trade dominance, but rather its decades-long strategic soft power plays across regional partnerships, cultural exchanges and foreign direct investments.
Over the past decade, China has launched a 21st-century campaign aimed at reshaping global narratives, perceptions, and alliances to its advantage—an approach known as soft power.
Soft power is the ability of a country to attract and influence others through culture, values, and diplomacy, rather than through coercion.
According to the Global Soft Power Index 2025 by Brand Finance, China has achieved its highest-ever score of 72.8 out of 100, overtaking the UK to become the world’s second most influential soft power.
This growth spans key pillars such as culture and heritage, media and communication, education and science, and sustainability.
While the West often relies on liberal democratic narratives such as individualism and freedom of speech as soft power tools, China offers an alternative: a model rooted in centralized governance, infrastructure-driven diplomacy, and community-first outreach.
China’s soft power strategy is both multi-pronged and deliberate. Its tools include educational exchange programs, the expansion of Confucius Institutes, media influence through outlets like CGTN and China Daily, and health diplomacy, especially applied during the COVID-19 pandemic.
These tools help Beijing influence international public opinion and cultivate long-term goodwill — while also countering critical narratives.
China’s state-sponsored media exports documentaries, news, and entertainment content worldwide. Confucius Institutes, often based in universities, offer Chinese language and culture classes, acting as Beijing’s local cultural outposts.
At times, this soft power takes on a harder edge — often called “sharp power” — involving influence over foreign journalists, academics, and policy think tanks through funding and partnerships that align with China’s political narrative.
In Latin America, China’s cultural outreach is visible through Confucius Institutes, educational scholarships, and co-productions in entertainment, Mandarin-language programs, and art exhibitions.
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is also framing China not just as an investor, but as a partner in regional development and cultural exchange.
In Africa, China has arguably seen the most success with its soft power push. According to UNESCO, Africa hosts more than 60 Confucius Institutes — the highest concentration outside Asia.
China offers thousands of scholarships for African students to study in Chinese universities, creating future political and business elites who are familiar with and often sympathetic to China.
Infrastructure development — from roads and railways to hospitals and sports stadiums — has also helped frame China as a development partner rather than a neocolonial power.
African leaders often praise China’s approach to diplomacy, citing its respect for national sovereignty and focus on practical outcomes.
Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta once remarked that participation in the BRI allows African nations to benefit from global innovation, cooperation, and growth.
In South Asia, China’s influence is more contested but equally ambitious. The region has become a strategic testing ground for China’s soft power. Through Confucius Institutes, scholarship programs, cultural exchanges, and investments via the BRI, China has built significant presence in Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka.
In Pakistan, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) remains a flagship project under the BRI, supported by cultural and educational agreements such as the MOU for doctoral programs. Yet, while CPEC garners strong political backing, some Pakistani lawmakers express concern over long-term dependency and sovereignty.
In Nepal and Sri Lanka, China’s soft power has helped establish goodwill through COVID-era aid, scholarships, and infrastructure projects. However, public sentiment has been more ambivalent in recent years due to concerns over sovereignty and debt.
In India, the reception has been especially critical. Following the deadly border clashes in 2020, India took a series of steps to counter Chinese influence — and some may argue at the behest of US foreign policy – by banning TikTok, halting Confucius Institutes, and tightening scrutiny on Chinese investments.
Despite cultural and trade ties, India remains wary of China’s strategic motives.
In Europe, reactions are increasingly polarized. While Eastern European countries such as Hungary and Serbia welcome Chinese investment and cultural exchange, Western Europe has grown skeptical. Nations like Germany, Sweden, and the UK have closed Confucius Institutes over concerns about surveillance, propaganda, and academic interference. China’s state media efforts in the region have met limited success due to tight regulatory environments and public mistrust.
Meanwhile, North America, once open to China’s cultural diplomacy, has shifted to a more confrontational stance. The U.S. has closed many Confucius Institutes, restricted Chinese media operations, and imposed educational curbs, citing espionage and undue influence.
However, Chinese diaspora communities — particularly in Canada and the U.S. — continue to serve as bridges of cultural exchange through festivals, business, and art, despite growing political headwinds.
In Southeast Asia, China’s soft power is met with a mix of welcome and wariness.
Countries like Cambodia and Laos align closely with Beijing, while others like Vietnam and Philippines push back due to maritime disputes and nationalistic concerns. Cultural engagement through media, education, and investment remains robust.
By offering a compelling mix of development aid, cultural exchange, and its partner-centered governance model, China’s diplomacy appears to be both highly ambitious, calculated and successful.
